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HTML 2 Module
Operation Goodwood
Operation Goodwood was an attack launched on 18 July 1944, during the Second World War, by the British army to the east of the city of Caen. British VIII Corps led the attack with three armoured divisions, supported by British I Corps on the eastern flank and the Canadian II Corps on the western flank, who were launching their own attack codenamed Operation Atlantic, to capture the remaining parts of Caen that were still held by German troops.
When Operation Goodwood came to a close on 20 July, the armoured divisions had broken through the initial German defences and had advanced 7 miles before coming to a halt in front of the Bourguébus Ridge, although armoured cars had penetrated further south and over the ridge
There has been controversy since July 1944 over the objective of the operation: whether it was a limited attack to secure Caen and pin German formations in the eastern region of the Normandy beachhead, preventing them from disengaging to join the counterattack against the US Operation Cobra, or a failed attempted breakout from the Normandy bridgehead.
At least one historian has called the operation the largest tank battle that the British Army has ever fought |

Sherman tanks carrying infantry wait for the order to advance at the start of Operation 'Goodwood', 18 July 1944 |
Background
The historic Normandy town of Caen was a D-Day objective for the British 3rd Infantry Division that landed on Sword Beach on 6 June 1944. The capture of Caen, while "ambitious", has been described by historian L F Ellis as the most important D-Day objective assigned to Lieutenant-General Crockers's I Corps. Operation Overlord called for Second Army to secure the city and then form a front line from Caumont-l'Éventé to the south-east of Caen, in order to acquire airfields and protect the left flank of the United States First Army while it moved on Cherbourg. Possession of Caen and its surroundings would give Second Army a suitable staging area for a push south to capture Falaise, which could itself be used as the pivot for a swing right to advance on Argentan and then towards the Touques River. The terrain between Caen and Vimont was especially promising, being open, dry and conducive to swift offensive operations. Since the Allied forces greatly outnumbered the Germans in tanks and mobile units, transforming the battle into a more fluid fast-moving battle was to their advantage.
However hampered by congestion in the beachhead that delayed the deployment of its armoured support, and forced to divert effort to attacking strongly held German positions along the 9.3-mile (15.0 km) route to the town, the 3rd Division was unable to assault Caen in force, and was brought to a halt short of its outskirts. Immediate follow-up attacks were unsuccessful as German resistance solidified; abandoning the direct approach, Operation Perch—a pincer attack by I and XXX Corps—was launched on 7 June, with the intention of encircling Caen from the east and west. I Corps, striking south out of the Orne bridgehead, was halted by the 21st Panzer Division, and the attack by XXX Corps bogged down in front of Tilly-sur-Seulles, west of Caen, in the face of stiff opposition from the Panzer Lehr Division. In an effort to force Panzer Lehr to withdraw or surrender, and to keep operations fluid, the 7th Armoured Division pushed through a recently created gap in the German front line, and attempted to capture the town of Villers-Bocage. The resulting day long battle saw the vanguard of the 7th Armoured Division withdraw from the town, but by 17 June Panzer Lehr had themselves been forced back, and XXX Corps had taken Tilly-sur-Seulles. A repeated attack from the 7th Armoured Division never materialised and further offensive operations were abandoned when, on 19 June, a severe storm descended upon the English Channel. The storm, which would last for three days, significantly delayed the Allied build-up. Most of the convoys of landing craft and ships already at sea were driven back to ports in Britain; towed barges and other loads (including 2.5 miles (4.0 km) of floating roadways for the Mulberry harbours) were lost; and no less than 800 craft were left stranded on the Normandy beaches until the next spring tides in July.
Following the storm the next major offensive was launched. The attack, codenamed Operation Epsom, intended for VIII Corps to advance and capture the high ground near Bretteville-sur-Laize, to encircle Caen. VIII Corps would strike, to the west of Caen, south across the River Odon and the Orne.The attack was preceded by Operation Martlet(also known as Operation Dauntless)which, was to secure VIII Corp's flank by capturing the high ground on the right of their axis of advance. Although the Germans managed to contain the offensive, to do so they had been obliged to commit all their available strength, including two panzer divisions newly arrived in Normandy and earmarked for a planned offensive against British and American positions around Bayeux. Several days later Second Army launched a new offensive, codenamed Operation Charnwood, to gain possession of Caen. Charnwood incorporated a postponed attack on Carpiquet, originally planned for Epsom as Operation Ottawa but now codenamed Operation Windsor. In a frontal assault the northern half of the city was captured. However German forces still held possession of the city on the southern side of the Orne river as well as the Colombelles steel works, which gave a unique observation post for artillery observers.
Planning and preparation
On 10 July General Bernard Montgomery, commander of all Allied ground forces in Normandy, held a meeting with Lieutenant-Generals Miles Dempsey and Omar Bradley, respectfully the commanders of British Second Army and the United States First Army, at his headquarters to discuss the next attacks to be launched by 21st Army Group following the conclusion of Operation Charnwood and the failure of the First Army's initial breakout offensive. Montgomery approved Operation Cobra,a major break out attempt to be launched by the First Army on 18 July, and ordered Dempsey to "go on hitting: drawing the German strength, especially the armour, onto yourself - so as to ease the way for Brad[ley]".
In early July Adjutant-General Ronald Adam informed Montgomery that there was an infantry manpower shortage and could not dispatch sufficient replacements to France. This shortage led Dempsey to persuade Montgomery to launch an attack comprised solely of armoured divisions, an operation that would violate Montgomery's personal policy of never employing such a force; as Dempsey could afford to lose armour but not infantry. By mid-July the Second Army had 2,250 medium tanks and 400 light tanks in the bridgehead in three armoured divisions and seven independent armoured and tank brigades.
At 1000 hours on 13 July Dempsey met with three of his five Corps commandersto discuss the forthcoming attack. Later that day the first order for Operation Goodwood was issued. However this document only contained preliminary instructions and covered the operation only in general. It was issued to facilitate the necessary detailed planning by the formations involved and alterations were to be expected. It was also presented in the United Kingdom to request the desired level of air support for the operation. The outline plan was for VIII Corps, with three armoured divisions, to strike south out of the Orne Bridgehead. The 11th Armoured Division was to advance south-west over the Bourguébus Ridge and the Caen-Falaise road aiming for Bretteville-sur-Laize, the Guards Armoured Division was to advance south-east to capture Vimont and Argences, and 7th Armoured Division, advancing last, was to aim south for Falaise itself. The 3rd Infantry Division, supported by elements of the 51st (Highland) Infantry Division, was to secure VIII Corps eastern flank by capturing the area around Émiéville, Touffréville and Troarn. II Canadian Corps would launch an attack, codenamed Operation Atlantic, on the western flank of VIII Corps to liberate Caen south of the Orne river. The two operations were planned to commence on 18 July, two days before the planned start of Operation Cobra.
An attack out of the Orne bridgehead had been proposed during mid-June to be launched by the newly arrived VIII Corps to outflank Caen from the east. The operation was codenamed Operation Dreadnought but was cancelled when Dempsey and O'Connor gave pessimistic reports to Montgomery regarding the difficulties involved in such an operation. |

Map shows the planned attack for Operations Atlantic and Goodwood. It also shows where Second Army had confirmed the locations of several German divisions as well as where they believed others where located. |
Detailed planning stated on Friday 14 July However on 15 July Montgomery issued a written order to Dempsey, scaling back the operation. These new orders changed the operation from a "deep break-out to a limited attack". It was anticipated that rather than risking a breakthrough by massed tanks, the Germans would be forced to commit their armoured reserves to meet the attack. ] Thus the intention of the operation was now "to engage the German armour in battle and "write it down" to such an extent that it is of no further value to the Germans" and improve the Second Army's position. The orders stated that "a victory on the eastern flank will help us to gain what we want on the western flank" but warned that operations must not endanger Second Army's position as it was a "firm bastion" that was needed for the success of American operations. The objectives of the three armoured divisions was also scaled back. They were now required only to "dominate the area Bourguébus-Vimont-Bretteville" although "armoured cars should push far to the south towards Falaise, spread[ing] alarm and despondency". VIII Corps objective had changed from a wide punch south towards Falaise, to a more limited thrust to the southwest of Caen. It was stressed that II Canadian Corps objectives were now vital and only following their completion would VIII Corps ""crack about" as the situation demands" |
VIII Corps stood at a strength of 61,808 men and 759 tanks. The 11th Armoured Division was assigned to lead the advance and was tasked with screening Cagny and capturing Bras, Hubert-Folie, Verrières and Fontenay-le-Marmion The division's infantry brigade was initially to act independently of the rest of the division, and capture Cuverville and Démouville. The Guards Armoured Division, advancing behind the 11th Armoured Division, was to capture Cagny and Vimont. The 7th Armoured Division, advancing last, was to advance south beyond the ridge of Garcelles-Secqueville. Further advances by the armoured divisions were to be conducted only on Dempsey's personal order. II Canadian Corps orders were issued the following day. The Corps was ordered to liberate Colombelles and the remaining portion of Caen. Following the capture of these areas the Corps was to be prepared to capture the Verrières Ridge. In the event that the German front collapsed during these attacks, a deeper advance would be ordered.
Second Army intelligence had gained a good picture of the opposition Operation Goodwood was to expect, although positions beyond the first line of villages had to be confirmed mainly by inconclusive air reconnaissance. The Second Army was also aware that the German Army was expecting a large scale British attack out of the Orne bridgehead. Second Army expected to initially meet resistance from the 16th Luftwaffe Field Division, bolstered by SS-Panzergrenadier Regiment 25 of the 12th SS Panzer Division Hitlerjugend. Signals intelligence had identified that the 12th SS Panzer Division had moved into reserve but had failed initially to identify that SS-Panzergrenadier Regiment 25 had also been moved back into reserve, an error that was rectified before 18 July. Battle groups of the 21st Panzer Division, with around 50 Panzer IVs and 34 assault guns, were expected to be met near Route nationale 13.1st SS Division Leibstandarte SS Adolf Hitler was identified as being in reserve with 40 Panthers and 60 Panzer IV's. Two heavy tank battalions, equipped with Tiger tanks, were expected to be met. However, their location had not been correctly established and the arrival of a third heavy tank battalion had not been identified. The overall German tank strength was estimated at around 230 tanks. German artillery was assessed as 300 field and anti-tank guns. Second Army believed 90 of these guns were located in the centre of the battle zone, 40 pieces on the flanks and 20 pieces defending the Caen-Vimont railway line. The gun line on the Bourguébus Ridge had been identified but the exact strength and gun locations had not been established.
Second Army initiated a deception plan to attempt to cover the intention of the operation that included attacks launched by XII and XXX Corps. The movement of the three armoured divisions to their staging positions west of the Orne was conducted at night, under radio silence, and covered by artillery fire against German positions. During the daylight hours all effort was made to camouflage the armoured divisions' positions.
The offensive was supported by 760 artillery pieces firing 297,600 rounds,Prior to the assault, the artillery was to suppress German anti-tank, anti-aircraft and field artillery positions. During the initial assault, it was to provide the 11th Armoured Division with a rolling barrage while also providing artillery support to the attacks being launched by 3rd Infantry and the 2nd Canadian Infantry Divisions. Additional artillery units were to be prepared to fire on targets as requested.
The preliminary bombardment by artillery was augmented by a total of 2,077 heavy and medium bombers of the Royal Air Force (RAF) and United States Army Air Force (USAAF), flying in three waves. A planned second strike by the heavy bombers during the afternoon of the first day to support the advance towards the Bourguébus Ridgewas rejected by Dempsey who believed that if the operation was to succeed his armour could not wait around for a second strike and would have to be on the ridge by the afternoon.Close air support was provided by No. 83 Group RAF. The air force was tasked with the neutralisation of German positions on the flanks of VIII Corps planned advance, strong points such as the village of Cagny and German gun and reserve positions, and interdiction of troop movements. Each brigade headquarters in VIII Corps was allocated a Forward Air Control Post to help co-ordinate air support throughout the operation. Additional support was provided by three ships of the Royal Navy,which were tasked with engaging gun batteries located near the coast in the region of Cabourg and Franceville.
The engineering resources of Second Army, I and VIII Corps as well as divisional engineers were put to work between 13 July and the evening of 16 July developing six new roads from west of the Orne river to the start lines east of the river and canal. Engineers from I Corps were also ordered to build two new sets of bridges across the Orne River and Caen Canal and strengthen the existing bridges prior to the attack. An additional two sets of bridges were ordered to be built by I Corps engineers between the start of the battle and the end of the first day. II Canadian Corps planned to construct up to three bridges across the Orne as soon as the situation presented itself, so that I and VIII Corps would have exclusive access to the bridges across the river and canal north of the city. Engineers from 51st (Highland) Infantry Divisions, with a small detachment from the 3rd Infantry Division, were ordered to gap the minefield in front of the Highland Division's position. They were able to create 14 gaps in the minefield and mark them during the night of 16–17 Julyand 19 40-foot (12 m) wide gaps had been completed by the morning of 18 July. These gaps would allow one armoured regiment to pass though at a time.
The 11th Armoured Division's infantry brigade, along with the both the division and 29th Armoured Brigade's headquarters, crossed over into the Orne bridgehead during the night 16–17 July; the rest of the division followed the succeeding night. The Guards and 7th Armoured Divisions were held west of the river until the operation commenced. As the final elements of the 11th Armoured Division moved into position, additional gaps in the minefields were blown while the forward areas were signposted and routes to be taken marked with white tape and VIII Corps headquarters relocated to Bény-sur-Mer. |
German planning and preparation
The basic layout of the German defences was decided upon, not by Rommel, but by General Heinrich Eberbach, the commanding officer of Panzer Group West, with the details being worked upon by the two Corps commanders and the six divisional commanders. The defence was organised into four defensive lines structured in considerable depth of at least 10 miles (16 km). As part of the defence, villages were fortified and anti-tank guns sited along the southern and eastern edges of the open country Second Army was about to attack. One of the key features of this defence was that no anti-tank minefields were established behind the front line, or between each line of defence, so to allow the freedom of movement for German tanks.
LXXXVI Corps, heavily reinforced by artillery, held the frontline facing the British forces. Its 346th Infantry Division was dug in from the coast to the north of Touffreville, from here to Colombelles the mauled 16th Luftwaffe Infantry Division held the frontline. Kampfgruppe (battle group) von Luck, a battle group formed from the 21st Panzer Division's Panzergrenadier Regiment 125, was in position behind these frontline forces with around 30 assault guns. The remainder of the division, reinforced with the 503rd Heavy Panzer Battalion, was positioned northeast of Cagny to be able to support Hans von Luck's force and also act as a reserve. The division's Panzergrenadiers, with towed anti tank guns and assault guns, were to dig themselves into the villages of the Caen plain. The 21st Panzer Division’s Reconnaissance and Pioneer battalions were positioned on the Bourguébus Ridge to protect the Corps artillery, which consisted of around 48 field and medium artillery pieces with an equal number of Nebelwerfers. In total the LXXXVI Corps had 194 artillery pieces and 272 Nebelwerfer available to them. The Corps also had access to 78 88 mm guns, one battalion of 88mm anti tank guns and two battalions of 88m flak guns; one battery of four 88 mm flak guns, from Flak-Sturm Regiment 2, was positioned in Cagny and a further two batteries were possibly deployed near the village of Bourguébus however the majority of the guns were beyond the ridge protecting the Caen-Falaise road. In total there was around 36 anti-tank guns positioned in LXXXVI Corps rear positions, including no more than 8–16 pieces on the ridge itself.
West of the Caen-Falaise road, facing Caen, was the I SS Panzer Corps. On 14 July elements of the 272nd Infantry Division took over the defence of Vaucelles relieving the 1st SS Division Leibstandarte SS Adolf Hitler, who proceeded to move into local reserve between the village of Ifs and the east bank of the Orne river. The following day the 12th SS Panzer Division was moved into OKW reserve to rest, refit and to be a position to meet a feared second Allied landing between the Orne and Seine on Hitler’s personnel orders; Kampfgruppe Waldmüller was moved near Falaise while Kampfgruppe Wünsche was moved to Lisieux, 40 kilometres (25 mi) east of Caen. The division's artillery regiment and anti-aircraft battalion was left to support the 272nd Infantry Division.
The following day German military intelligence warned Panzer Group West that a British attack out of the Orne bridgehead was likely from 17 July onwards, with the objective of striking south-east towards Paris. On 16 July several reconnaissance planes flew over the British positions but were driven off by anti air craft fire and later in the day a British reconnaissance Supermarine Spitfire was shot down over the German lines; in response artillery and fighters attempted to destroy the crashed plane. On 17 July Eberbach halted the move of Kampfgruppe Waldmüller, which was en route to join the rest of the 12th SS Panzer Division at Lisieux.
Preliminary operations
At 0100 hours on 11 July, in the aftermath of Operation Charnwood, elements of the 153rd (Highland) Infantry Brigade supported by tanks, launched a raid against the Colombelles Steel works. Their objective was to secure the area so Royal Engineers could destroy the chimneys, used by the Germans as observation positions, and then the force would withdraw. The force was ambushed by Tiger tanks at 0500 hours and the raid was abandoned after the loss of nine tanks.
As planning and preparation for Goodwood was under way, Second Army launched two preliminary operations.
Operation Greenline was launched at 2130 hours on 15 July by XII Corps. Greenline's objective was to convince the German command that the expected assault would be launched west of the Orne River though the positions held by XII Corps. This would pin the 9th and 10th SS Panzer Division in place, facing XII Corps, so that they could not be used to oppose either Goodwood or Operation Cobra. The operation called for XII Corps to secure a corridor to the Orne River via Bougy, Évrecy and Maizet. Like Operations Epsom and Jupiter, the fighting would revolve around Hill 112, 113 and the village of Gavrus.
The 277th Infantry Division and 10th SS Panzer Division, both under the command of II SS Panzer Corps, held the front line, with the 9th SS Panzer Division in reserve. The British attack, supported by 450 guns, along with tanks and artificial moonlight, started well but German artillery fire disrupted the advance. By daylight, XII Corps had captured Bougy, Gavrus, Esquay-Notre-Dame and the western end of Hill 113 but had failed to capture Hill 112. The 9th SS Panzer Division was committed to battle, and by the end of the day had mostly restored the front line. The counterattack against Hill 113 was unsuccessful. The 53rd (Welsh) Infantry Division captured Cahier and was only able to retain possession of the village after defeating several heavy counterattacks. Renewed attacks by XII Corps gained no ground, and during the evening of 17 July, the operation was called to a halt and the British force on Hill 113 was withdrawn.
On 16 July, XXX Corps launched Operation Pomegranate. The 59th (Staffordshire) Infantry Division was to capture the villages of Noyers-Bocage, Haut des Forges and Landelle while the 49th (West Riding) Infantry Division was to capture Vendes and the surrounding area. The two divisions engaged elements of the 276th Infantry Division, 277th Infantry Division and the 2nd Panzer Division. The British infantry captured the high ground south of Brettevillette and took 300 prisoners on the first day. The following day, the advance continued and heavy fighting took place on the outskirts of Noyers-Bocage. The reconnaissance battalion of the 9th SS Panzer Division was committed to the defence of Noyers-Bocage and the Germans claimed they recaptured the village, although XXX Corps never claimed to have captured the village as they had been held up on the outskirts. The village was still in German hands by the end of the day but the high ground outside of the village and the village’s railway station were in British possession. The 49th Division was able to capture Vendes and the 50th (Northumbrian) Infantry Division also launched an attack; capturing Hottot-les-Bagues, a village that had defied them for more than a month.
These two operations cost the Second Army 3,500 casualties and no significant gains had been made, but the operations were strategically successful, in that the 2nd Panzer and 10th SS Panzer Divisions had been kept on the front line and the 9th SS Panzer Division had been recalled from Corps reserve, having been forced to react to each threat that developed in the Odon Valley. On 16 July alone, the 9th SS Panzer Division recorded the loss of 23 tanks. |
Main attack
18 July
At 05:45 hours the preliminary aerial bombardment began; 1,056 Handley Page Halifax and Avro Lancaster heavy bombers, flying at 3,000 feet (910 m), dropped 4,800 tons of high explosive bombs on Colombelles, the steelworks, positions of the 21st Panzer Division and the town of Cagny, leaving half the town destroyed.At 06:40 hours the artillery fire plan began, 20 minutes later American B-26 Marauders released 563 tons of fragmentation bombs, from 10,000 feet (3,000 m) –13,000 feet (4,000 m), on the 16th Luftwaffe Division while fighter-bombers attacked strong points and gun positions. During this 45 minute bombardment, by the second wave bombers, the 11th Armoured Division moved out of their concentration areas towards the start line.H Hour was confirmed to take place at 07:45 hours and on schedule the artillery started firing the rolling barrage for the armoured division. As the advance started additional artillery regiments opened fire on Cuverville, Demouville, Giberville, Liberville, Cagny and Émiéville. The heavy guns also carried out harrasing fire on targets as far south as Garcelles-Secqueville and Secqueville la Campagne. 15 minutes later the final bombing raid began, American heavy bombers dropped 1,340 tons of fragmentation bombs in the Troarn area and onto the main gun line at Bourguébus Ridge. Only 25 bombers from these three waves were lost, all to German anti aircraft fire, now the operation would be supported from the 800 fighter-bombers of No. 83 and No. 84 Group RAF. The bombing put both the 22nd Panzer Regiment and the 503rd Heavy Panzer Battalion temporarily out of action, various degrees of damage and destruction was caused to the tanks, some were overturned while others were completely destroyed and 20 tanks were abandoned in bomb craters. Most of the German frontline positions had been destroyed and the surviving defenders were left "dazed and incoherent".
|

Despite its weight, this Tiger I was flipped over by the aerial bombing. Three men survived. |
While many positions were devastated some targets, such as Touffréville and Grentheville, were missed due to dust, smoke and the inability of the bomber crews to identify them. Other German strongholds, such as le Prieuré and le Mesnil Frémentel that lay across the British line of advance and contained Panzergrenadiers and assault guns, lay outside the designated bomb zones and were spared. Cagny and Émiéville had suffered heavily under the bombardment however the defenders were largely unscathed and had time to recover and prepare themselves to meet the attack; both locations having clear lines of fire on the route the British advance was to take. Other formations also recovered, such as the 503rd Heavy Tank Battalion, and got to work digging out their half buried tanks to be ready for action that same morning. While bombs did fall onto Bourguébus Ridge destroying some guns most of the German artillery and anti tank guns were intact.
The rolling barrage signalling the start of Operation Atlantic started at 08:15 hours. The Canadian infantry and tanks crossed their start line at 08:35 hours, five minutes later the infantry, of the 159th Infantry Brigade, entered Cuverville. The British infantry were able to secure this village and the surrounding area by 10:30 hours however patrols found Demouville to be firmly held by the Germans and further attempts to capture this second objective were put on hold while the British infantry reorganised themselves. The three armoured regiments, of the 11th Armoured Division, had successfully navigated their way through the minefields and had reached the Caen-Troarn railway line by 08:30 hours. The 29th Armoured Brigade had already started to round up large numbers of prisoners, from the 16th Luftwaffe Division, who were still dazed from the bombardment.
By noon however, the 11th Armoured Division's 29th Armoured Brigade had gained almost 12,000 yards. |
By the time the Caen-Vimont railway was reached the Germans had recovered from the shock of the bombardment. The Fife and Forfar Yeomanry lost twelve tanks at Cagny when 88 mm guns were turned on them. The Allies slowly pushed through and crossed the railway line to approach the German-held Bourguébus Ridge, where they encountered elements of the 21st Panzer Division, the Panther battalion of the 1st SS Panzer Division and numerous towed guns. The first elements of the 11th Armoured Division were soon across the second railway embankment. The 159th Infantry brigade was held up clearing two villages behind the tank brigade. Self-propelled artillery did not accompany the tank attack, per Dempsey's orders. Allied fighter-bombers could not provide close support, as the RAF's forward control post was knocked out early on.

Medics during Operation Goodwood, 18 July 1944. |
The remaining two armoured divisions were still negotiating the river crossings and minefield. The Guards Armoured Division, having negotiated the German forward positions, was held up by flanking fire from Cagny and Emieville. They took all day to clear the defenders from Cagny and, when they had done so, attacked in a divergent direction towards Vimont to the south east (as originally planned, but very much later than envisioned in the original operation orders). Unscathed defenders with well-entrenched anti-tank guns halted them and knocked out 60 tanks. By dusk only a single armoured regiment of the 7th Armoured Division was in action; most of the Division did not finish crossing the Orne until 10pm on the 18th and could not add its weight to the attack. Thus the 11th Armoured Division was carrying the attack by itself most of the day.
The British armour, constrained by the terrain behind the start line, committed the same error that had characterized it in the desert. Individual tank battalions fought unsupported and in succession, rather than fighting together as part of all-arms battlegroups. Unsupported tank units could not easily root out dug-in towed guns, although a combined-arms team of tanks, infantry and self-propelled artillery might have had much better luck. Virtually all the ground gained was won on the morning of the 18th.
The German armour counter-attacked late in the afternoon and fighting continued along the high ground and around Hubert-Folie on 19 July and 20 July, bringing the attack to a halt. On 21 July, Dempsey started to secure his gains by substituting infantry for armour. |
Aftermath
Goodwood gained some terrain as the bridgehead over the Orne was expanded; in a few areas the depth of penetration was 12,000 yards, but much of the gain was lateral, southward across the British front rather than eastwards into the depth of the German position; however, Caen was finally secured.
Goodwood was launched at a time of high frustration in the higher command of the Allies and this contributed to the controversy surrounding the operation. The Allied bridgehead in Normandy was not expanding at the pace they wanted, and there was some fear of a stalemate. Allied commanders were not able to exploit their potentially-decisive advantages in mobility during June and early July 1944. They were looking for a decisive breakthrough of the German defensive front.
Much of the controversy surrounding the objectives of the battle originates from the conflicting messages given out by Montgomery. Montgomery talked-up the objectives of Goodwood to the press on the first day, later saying that this was deliberate to encourage the Germans to commit their forces away from the western part of the battlefield. However, Montgomery was notoriously vain, and did not feel he had a responsibility to talk to superiors who were not on the battlefield. Therefore, in the planning stage of Goodwood, he seemed to promise that the attack would be the breakthrough the Allies were looking for, so that when the British VIII Corps failed to achieve a penetration, by some accounts U.S. General Dwight D. Eisenhower felt he had been misled. While his irregular communications to his commanders appeared to promise a breakthrough, Montgomery was writing orders to his subordinates that played down the chances of a breakthrough. For example, copies of orders forwarded to Supreme Headquarters Allied Expeditionary Force (SHAEF) called for an armoured division to take Falaise, a town far in the German rear. Three days prior to the attack Montgomery revised these orders, eliminating Falaise as an objective, but neglecting to send copies of the revision up to SHAEF. This left Eisenhower in the dark about the more conservative revised orders and later furious at the result. This was to haunt Montgomery afterwards as it allowed his many enemies (especially Air Marshal Tedder) to imply that the operation was a failure.
Tactically, the Germans contained the offensive, holding many of their main positions though losing the Bourguébus Ridge, preventing an Allied breakthrough. Nevertheless, they had been startled by the weight of the attack and preliminary aerial bombardment. It was clear that any defensive system less than five miles deep could be overwhelmed at a single stroke by another such attack, and the Germans could afford to man their defenses in such depth only in the sector south of Caen.
In all, the British extended their control over an extra seven miles to the east of Caen. In the process they knocked out up to 100 German tanks and took just over 2000 prisoners. At the moment the exact number of German soldiers killed or wounded during this battle is unknown. |

Map showing territory gained in Operations Atlantic and Goodwood |
Tactically, the Germans contained the offensive, holding many of their main positions though losing the Bourguébus Ridge, preventing an Allied breakthrough. Nevertheless, they had been startled by the weight of the attack and preliminary aerial bombardment. It was clear that any defensive system less than five miles deep could be overwhelmed at a single stroke by another such attack, and the Germans could afford to man their defenses in such depth only in the sector south of Caen.
In all, the British extended their control over an extra seven miles to the east of Caen. In the process they knocked out up to 100 German tanks and took just over 2000 prisoners. At the moment the exact number of German soldiers killed or wounded during this battle is unknown.
The British army lost a total of 4,837 men killed, wounded or taken prisoner, this is broken down between I Corps who received 3,817 casualties and VIII Corps who had 1,020 casualties inflicted upon them. The armoured divisions lost a total of 140 tanks knocked out and a further 174 tanks damaged in various degrees. The 11th Armoured Division was the worst hit losing a total of 191 tanks. The number of lost British tanks has however also been a subject of debate and according to certain historians it should not be considered an exaggeration to put the number of destroyed British tanks to at least 300. A large part of the tanks knocked out of battle could be repaired, but the Guards Division, the 11th Armoured Division and the Desert Rats had all together during the period a loss of 469 tanks (the VIII Corps alone lost 131 tanks on the 19th and another 68 on the 20th) and to these numbers should also be added the losses of the British I and Canadian II Corps (due to lack of statistics, these numbers in exact form will remain unknown.)
Probably the biggest post-Goodwood claim of success was that the attack reinforced the German view that the British and Canadian forces on the Allied eastern flank were the most dangerous enemy. This resulted in the Axis committing their reserves to the eastern half of the battle so that the United States forces only faced one and a half Panzer divisions compared with the six and a half now facing the British and Canadian armies. Once Operation Cobra breached the thin German defensive 'crust' in the west, few German mechanized units were available to counterattack
Planning analysis

A Sherman Firefly crosses 'Euston Bridge' over the Orne as it moves up to the start line for Operation 'Goodwood', 18 July 1944. |
The Allied attack had several serious flaws, which were apparent in the planning stage:To mount the attack all three armoured divisions had to cross two water obstacles and a minefield prior to crossing the start line. The Orne River and the Caen Canal ran laterally across the British front, directly in the path of the armoured divisions. Only six small bridges were available to move over 8,000 vehicles, including tanks, artillery, motorised infantry, engineers and support vehicles such as ammunition and fuel supply vehicles, medical units and so forth. It was obvious that a traffic control problem would ensue. Dempsey's proposed solution was disastrous—he directed his Corps Commander (O'Connor) to move the tanks ahead, leaving behind everything else including the infantry, engineers, artillery etc until all the tanks were across. Thus the British combined-arms team was broken up before the Germans fired a shot. Having crossed the bridges, a British minefield laid only days before by the 51st Highland Division had to be traversed. The minefield was a mix of antitank and antipersonnel mines. This obstacle could have been overcome by strong engineer support prior to the battle. However, because the Germans had the minefield under observation from the steelworks, a mineclearing operation would have alerted them to the attack. In the event, several one-tank wide gaps were cleared in the minefield at night. It was known that this would further constrain the movement of Corps vehicles |
The issue of tactical surprise was mishandled. Moving the armoured units to their attack positions too early, or gapping the minefield too early, would alert the Germans to the attack as the British positions could be clearly viewed from the high land to the south of Caen. In hindsight, it is apparent that the armour moved too late: the hundreds of tanks were horribly slowed by the bottle-neck of the bridges and minefield. Again, to preserve surprise, artillery units were not moved forward to support the attack. However, Ultra decrypts of German signals, as well as the Second Army's own intelligence estimates, revealed that by 15 July the Germans were well aware of the time and place of the attack and were reinforcing their defenses. At this point, since tactical surprise had been lost, the minefields could have been more thoroughly cleared and units moved up into attack positions without ill effects—but this was not done.
The 11th Armoured Division was overburdened. Although the lead unit in the attack, the Division was also given the mission of clearing the front-line villages of Cuverville and Demouville. These should have been bypassed by the lead units and left for following units—virtually a standard tactic in any army by 1944. Instead, while the Division's armoured regiments attacked Bourguébus Ridge, the infantry battalions were clearing villages behind them. This slowed down both attacks and further broke up combined-arms integrity.
Artillery units were left west of the Orne, placing the main German defensive position on Bourguébus Ridge out of their range. Coordination between field artillery and tanks was poor. Dempsey appears to have relied on the initial air bombardment by Bomber Command to stun or disrupt the defenders.
The terrain was difficult—the area was filled with small villages, each of which had a small German garrison of infantry, armour and artillery connected by tunnels. The area was thus divided into a series of strongpoints overlooking the intended Allied line of advance. The high ground of the Bourguébus Ridge, with numerous dug-in German heavy weapons, overlooked a clear field of fire into the path of the intended advance. These defences were the strongest and deepest in Normandy.
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